High-profile cases stick to a script

 

When a court on Friday granted freedom to 23 activists and workers arrested during a violent garment strike in January, another chapter in what has become a familiar tale was written.

Over the past two years, that tale has involved a series of high-profile cases against government critics, including Yorm Bopha and fellow land rights activists known as the “Boeung Kak 13”, as well as independent broadcaster Mam Sonando. And rarely has it deviated from the same plot.

Rights defenders have been arrested, swiftly convicted and imprisoned, or held in pre-trial detention and convicted later. Charges against them have been widely criticised, both here and overseas, as being “trumped up”.

Eventually, after trials or appeals in which little evidence has been presented and the charges even sometimes changed, the activists have been released to cheering supporters.

Yet, invariably, the activists have remained convicted criminals. They have not been acquitted, only given suspended sentences. At best, in the case of Bopha, a retrial has been ordered and their names have not yet been cleared.“Even though the Supreme Court is releasing me, they still consider me guilty,” Bopha said upon her release in November. “I’m scared they will arrest me again.”It’s a fear shared by Vorn Pov, president of the Independent Democracy of Informal Economy Association (IDEA), who was released on Friday after being given a suspended prison sentence of four and a half years.

“I worry that the court will take legal action against me if I continue my work in the interest of workers or social issues,” Pov said.Rights groups are seeing a pattern that stretches further than Bopha and Pov to other critics of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s government.“Their [the 23’s] arrest and conviction is symbolic of a trend to repress human rights defenders and protesters by the Royal Government of Cambodia,” Cambodian Center for Human Rights defenders project coordinator Chhay Chhunly said in a statement on Saturday. “The lack of any incriminatory evidence demonstrates that the verdict is based on political considerations rather than evidence.”Before Friday’s decision, big brands that buy from Cambodia expressed concerns about the cases against the 23.

Similarities can be drawn with other cases.

The decision to free the 13 women from Boeung Kak in 2012 came after then-US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton took an interest, while Bopha was released after her case also received global attention.However, Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan denied yesterday that outside factors played a part in court decisions.“The public prosecutors decide in each case according to the [evidence] presented, and it is not for a party to make legal decisions,” he said. “If there is not enough [evidence to convict], the accused will be set free. That is the justice system in Cambodia.”

The international community taking an interest in such cases, however, does make a difference, according to Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division.

“From the government’s perspective, each of these cases involves an ongoing calculation – how to intimidate groups so that they don’t protest or act against the government again, while at the same time trying to keep links to donor governments that [the] Cambodia government needs to fund many of their projects and activities,” he said.“The government will get the guilty verdict it wants, but if there is major advocacy by embassies and international NGOs, then the courts are more likely to be lenient in their sentencing.”Sok Sam Oeun, executive director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, has also noticed trends in how activists are dealt with.

“The accused can be released and can go home,” he said. “And the authorities are satisfied because they have reached a [guilty] verdict.”For HRW, that’s not enough. Convictions against the 25, which included two workers arrested in November, should be overturned altogether.It’s a sentiment shared by Chea Sarath, 31, one of the 25, who said at a ceremony at deputy opposition leader Kem Sokha’s home in Phnom Penh that he had not received “100 per cent justice”.

Bordering on despair

 

In the wake of last month’s Thai military coup, an uneasy quiet has fallen over official checkpoints in Oddar Meanchey province, leading many on this side of the border to fear for their livelihoods.

Sitting on a motorbike in the queue for O’Smach international border checkpoint on Wednesday morning, 45-year-old Duong Sophan said increased security checks since the coup have made it harder for those whose jobs depend on what until recently had been easy access to Thailand.

“We are vegetable transporters, and our living is damn difficult due to the current situation,” Sophan told the Post.“When we cross the border, we will be checked at four different places, and before crossing, they call our names, and if our names are not [listed] we will be arrested and we cannot come back. 

“Before, it wasn’t quiet like this; many people crossed the border. Now we almost have no one [crossing],” he said.Border officials agreed that Cambodians who used to be able to cross into neighbouring Thailand with no passport and for a payment of just 10 baht (about $0.30) are now being put under more scrupulous security checks.

Since Wednesday, in addition to the payment of 10 baht, border-crossers are now required to present identification and an immigration letter, which is issued to groups of 10. They are also required to return to Cambodia before 5pm.“Currently, the Thai side restricts access, while our side gives no problems. Our people are checked by black-uniformed [Thai] soldiers at four locations before arriving at the Thai markets,” Ou Chan Sokha, immigration officer at O’Smach border, said.

“They force our people to come back at 5pm. If there are problems in Thailand, they never tell us, so we tell our people crossing the borders to Thai markets to be wary all the time,” he said.

On May 20, Thai authorities ordered all unofficial border-crossing points in Banteay Meanchey province to be closed after the Thai army imposed nationwide martial law. When the military seized power two days later, official checkpoints followed suit.

The resultant bottleneck at the border is being felt in different corners of the local economy.

Sitting under the shade of a tree and waiting desperately for people to cross the border, 42-year-old motodop Meas Bantha said that since the coup he has earned just $2.50 a day.

“I may take my family back [to my home province] for a while, because we have no money to cover the rent,” Bantha said.Metres down the road from the border, once-lively O’Smach market was devoid of customers as the few remaining vendors considered shutting up shop.Che Phalla, a vendor with a small stall selling tents and novelty items, said that since the coup, he has not earned enough money to cover the market’s rental rates.“In one day, I sell less than 200 baht [about $6], so I will have to close my stall, because I have no money to pay the rent.

“Even during the clashes at Preah Vihear, we still had many clients. But now it is pretty quiet,” he said.At the Cham Srangam border checkpoint in Oddar Meanchey province, people are also feeling the crunch.Some of those at the border told the Post that Cambodians are only permitted to cross into Thailand on Thursdays and Sundays, and – unlike before – have to present proof of identification.

“The border gates are still closed and the Thai side has not given us a clear timetable [of when they will be opened],” Pich Sovann, director of Cambodian-Thai border relations, told the Post on Thursday.

Suos Sam Ol said the number of customers at Cham Srangam market has also gone down since the coup.“The markets are very quiet, because our traders cannot cross the borders and no people come from the Thai side.… We wish the country would return to normal so we can do business as before,” he said.Chey Ya, the vendor of a shop close to the Cham Srangam border on Dangkrek Mountain, said the coup had hurt her small business.“If it stays quiet, I will close my stall for a while, because I do not know who I will sell my goods to. If problems happen in another country, it should be difficult for them, not us,” she said.

China’s East Sea ambition in a Russian scholar’s eye

Prof. Kolotov, head of the Oriental History Faculty of the St. Petersburg State University, gives insight into the nature of the Chinese ambition in an interview granted to a Moscow-based VOV correspondent.Following are excerpts from the interview.

 

Professor Kolotov (first from left) in a workshop on Vietnam  in Moscow in 2013.

As a Vietnam Studies scholar, who has conducted numerous research projects on sea and islands of Vietnam and the region, how do you view China’s recent move?

It is a well-prepared plan, part of China’s long-term strategy to take control of the Hoang Sa (Paracel), Truong Sa (Spratly) and then the whole East Sea.
This move is a violation of international law stemming from the establishment of a unipolar world through neo-colonial wars as seen in the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Libya.
China is the world’s second largest economy, and to extend its influence it is carrying out a territorial expansion scheme, first and foremost to the south.Vietnam has an important strategic position. Without controlling Vietnam, China will find it difficult to control Southeast Asia and ASEAN nations. I may say Vietnam is first falling victim to China’s expansion plan.

A Pentagon map shows China would control Southeast Asia first and then Northeast Asia. It aims to realise its so-called nine-dash line in the first phase and expand domination to the whole of Southeast Asia, even Guam island in the Pacific Ocean.    Undoubtedly Vietnam and other countries cannot accept the rule, and China will be isolated eventually. Countries consider China’s action a serious threat to their security and they will unite and seek close allies to counterbalance the risk.
The US is a top choice, and the US’s influence in the region will grow considerably - a factor that fuel regional tension. It will make the situation more complicated.
What should Vietnam do to make China withdraw its drilling rig from its waters and stop similar actions in the future?

Both Vietnam and China are socialist nations, and any conflict will make them weaker, enabling hostile forces to emerge and threaten their political regime and economic potential. So they should work together to settle differences.  Vietnam and China have experienced many upheavals. The latter provided support for the former during the war of resistance against French colonialism. It was also the first country to recognise Vietnam’s sovereign state in January 1950.I think Vietnam and China should learn from the past experiences to overcome the current challenge. Influential strategists will know what and how to do to ensure security and safety of their regime and the region as well.

In a recent interview granted to the Associated Press and Reuters, PM Nguyen Tan Dung stated that Vietnam will not barter its independence and sovereignty for unrealistic and dependent peace and friendship. What do you think about his statement?

The answer truly reflects Vietnam’s tradition. I think no Vietnamese politicians can accept China’s East Sea claim. Late President Ho Chi Minh said “Nothing is precious than independence and freedom”. Late General Vo Nguyen Giap, after the 1954 Dien Bien Phu victory over French colonialism, said, “you lost because you did not understand the Vietnamese history.” Back to the 13th century, Emperor Tran Hung Dao said, “Much money cannot purchase the enemy’s head”.
Vietnam had to pay a high price for its independence and freedom, and this is not for speculation. History shows Vietnam defeated many enemies no matter how big they were. This is a big lesson that any aggressors should learn before implementing ill-intentioned scheme against Vietnam.
Regarding Russian commentator Dmitri Kosyrev’s article published on RIA Novosti that has caused indignation among the Vietnamese public. What do you think about it?
I have read this article. Today I brought it to the class for analysis and my students found several incorrect comments. Regrettably a reputable press agency like RIA-Novosti published such a commentary.But I think this is Kosyrev’s own opinion that does not represent the official stance of Russia. He is an Oriental Study scholar, specialising in the Chinese history. He might have used unreliable reference materials to write the story that contains incorrect information about Vietnam.

3 suspects confess in India gang rape; community outraged

 

Three brothers have confessed to involvement in the gang rape of two teenage girls in India, a police officer told CNN.The men have pleaded guilty to the rape charges but have not admitted to killing the girls, police spokesman Mukesh Saxena said Sunday.All five known suspects, including two police officers, have been arrested, he said.The police complaint also names two unknown people in the case. Investigations are trying to determine their identity, Saxena said.The assault on the cousins, ages 14 and 16, sparked outrage in the community in Uttar Pradesh state. After being gang raped, they were hanged from a mango tree, police said.Villagers streamed into the homes of the girls' relatives, weeping behind their customary veils. The mother of one of the girls said her daughter wanted to become a doctor to escape grinding poverty.The attackers, she said, deserved the same fate that befell her daughter.

 

"Hang them in public," she said.

CNN cannot identify the relatives or victims under Indian law.

In the northern village where the attack occurred, crowds surrounded the girls for hours after their bodies were found Wednesday. They accused authorities of siding with the suspects and blocked them from taking the girls down from their nooses unless arrests are made.

In addition to possible rape and murder charges, the officers face charges of conspiracy in the crime and negligence of duty after villagers accused them of failing to respond when they first pinpointed the suspects.

An autopsy confirmed that the girls had been raped and strangled, according to authorities. They were cremated the same day the bodies were found, in line with Hindu customs, said Mukesh Saxena, a local police official."We are scared," said Renu Devi, a woman in the village where the attack occurred."If this could happen to them, it could happen to us also."Police under scrutinyDevi has reason to fear. The girls were out in the orchard relieving themselves Tuesday night when the attackers grabbed them, authorities said.Toilets are rare in the village, forcing women to wander away into fields in the dead of night."There's no toilet. Where can the girls go?" shouted Jamuni Devi, another woman from the village. "No one has done anything for sanitation."

Indians have more access to mobile phones than to toilets, according to a United Nations report four years ago."India has some 545 million cell phones, enough to serve about 45% of the population," according to the U.N.But it also has the highest number of people in the world -- an estimated 620 million -- who defecate in the open, according to UNICEF.The lack of indoor plumbing leaves women in rural areas vulnerable to frequent rapes and beatings."It is a tragic irony to think that in India, a country now wealthy enough that roughly half of the people own phones, about half cannot afford the basic necessity and dignity of a toilet," said Zafar 

Adeel, who chairs the organization U.N.-Water.

Unable to stopSome people saw the abduction but were unable to stop it, police spokesman Saxena said, citing witnesses.His account echoed that of the father of the older victim, who alleged that a scuffle broke out between a relative and the three brothers suspected of the attack.

"They scared my cousin away with a locally made pistol," he said.

The daughter he lost was his only child.

The victims' relatives accused local police of failing to respond and siding with the suspects when the parents reported the case. The allegations have fueled anger among the villagers.

"If police wanted, my daughter would have been alive today," he said.

'Endemic' violenceThis Uttar Pradesh rape is the latest of several that have drawn the world's attention to India in recent years.The horrific gang rape and murder of a 23-year-old woman in New Delhi in late 2012 shook India, sparking campaigns against violent crimes against women in the country, the world's second most populous after China.

The case prompted protests in many cities, soul-searching in the media and changes to the law. But shocking instances of sexual violence continue to come to light."Laws can only do so much when you have to end something which is as endemic and as entrenched as violence against women," said Divya Iyer, a senior researcher for Amnesty International in Bangalore, India.The country's new Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, has said he wants to take steps to ensure that women are safe, particularly in rural India. But women's rights groups have criticized what they say is a lack of specific proposals to tackle the problem, suggesting that gender inequality doesn't appear to be high on his list of priorities