The War Remnants Museum, No. 28 Vo Van Tan Road, District 3, in HCM City is where visitors can feel the pain and brutality of the Vietnam War through artifacts and photographs. Exhibits demonstrate the destruction by the U.S. military, the suppression of the struggle for independence, the unification of Vietnamese people and the prolonged effects of Agent Orange. The museum also has exhibition rooms of the southwestern border war, the war to protect the northern border and Hoang Sa and Truong Sa Islands. Photo: Jennifer Harvey. Cac Co Cave in the historic site of Thay Pagoda in Sai Son Commune, Quoc Oai District, Hanoi is famous for the thousands of remains scattered across every corner of the cave, which have lain here for hundreds of years. Many sets of remains are gathered in a large tank placed in the cave. There are many different theories about the origin of the skeletons here. Photo: VTC. On the 6th day of the lunar year, Nem Thuong village in Khac Niem Commune of Tien Du District, Bac Ninh Province organizes a ritual to chop off the heads of two pigs to offer to the village saint. Many people criticize this bloody festival and ask to put an end to this “horror festival”. Photo: Thitbo. The Son My or My Lai Remnants in Tinh Khe Commune, Son Tinh District, Quang Ngai Province. This solemn place commemorates the massacre of the citizens of Son My (My Lai Massacre) at the hands of U.S. soldiers on March 16, 1968. Through photographs, relics and personal stories, the horror of that day, in which over 500 unarmed civilians were brutally cut down, is intensely recounted. The Museum of the Engineers at No. 290 Lac Long Quan Road, Hanoi, showcases the US’ weapons of mass destruction that were used in the Vietnam War. Even after the war, American bombs killed more than 40,000 people, injuring over 60,000 others, in the ensuing quarter century. The victims included many children. Clearing the remaining mines and explosives is an ongoing process, and will require much money and time. Dong Tam Snake Farm in Binh Duc Commune, Chau Thanh District, Tien Giang Province, is the biggest snake farm in Vietnam. It is also regarded as a living museum of snakes, where visitors can observe thousands of different species of snakes in an environment close to their natural habitats. Those who fear snakes are advised to skip this stop. Photo: Ttandfriends. Con Dao Prison on Con Dao Island, in the southern province of Ba Ria-Vung Tau. It was regarded as " hell on earth" for the revolutionaries in the two wars of resistance against France and the U.S. Various forms of torture were employed, reminiscent of themedieval age. Photo: Ngoc Vien. Hoa Lo Prison was built by French colonists in the center of Hanoi. Dark prison cells and the guillotine – used to dispatch many a revolutionary - will provide an unforgettable experience of a traumatic period of history. Located on the island of Phu Quoc in Kien Giang Province, Phu Quoc Prison, was the central prison of the Saigon regime before 1975, where over 32,000 prisoners in the Vietnam War were detained. Photo: Xiabachao. |
Tuesday, May 27, 2014
The most frightening destinations in Vietnam
Thai exile gov’t mulled
Members of the deposed government of former Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra are considering forming a government in exile following last week’s military coup, a senior legal adviser has said, fuelling speculation that Cambodia could play host.Robert Amsterdam, legal counsel to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra (Yingluck’s influential brother), and the United National Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), better known as the “red shirts”, said in a statement on Friday that “a number of foreign governments have already expressed their willingness to host such a government in exile under internationally established rules and practice”.
Given its geographical proximity and historic ties to the Shinawatra clan, Cambodia was immediately floated by foreign media outlets as an ideal location. Phnom Penh is little more than an hour by plane from Bangkok, and Prime Minister Hun Sen has welcomed Thaksin warmly in the past.
But senior members of the government and ruling party yesterday rejected the possibility of hosting any such government in exile, citing the constitution, which stipulates “permanent neutrality and nonalignment” and pledges noninterference, either directly or indirectly, in the internal affairs of other states.“I think whoever feels that Cambodia is an option for a Thai exile government … it is not feasible, firstly because of our constitution, and secondly because we have a comprehensive regional mechanism as well as international [mechanisms],” Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said.
Information Minister Khieu Kanharith was more blunt.“We can’t allow such a government on our soil,” he said in a message posted on Facebook.Since last week’s coup, the government here has been careful to maintain a neutral stance on Thai political issues, but has said it hopes the current military rule will be “transitional”.General Prayuth Chan-O-Cha, head of the Thai army, has assumed all lawmaking powers in Thailand. Yingluck, fellow politicians and family members were detained by the military, though several media outlets reported last night that the former prime minister had been released.Earlier this month, before the coup, Hun Sen spearheaded an ASEAN declaration that called for the Thai political situation to be resolved via dialogue and urging “full respect of democratic principles”.When reached yesterday, Amsterdam, Thaksin’s lawyer, declined to confirm whether Cambodia had been contacted about the government-in-exile proposal.
“We are not discussing anything more than the fact that we are actively considering this. We are not making any statements yet. The situation in Thailand is incredibly fluid. We are preparing but we are not declaring,” he said in a phone interview.“As a result of that, I don’t want to say anything about who would be the host country.… I’m not going to say anything about where, that doesn’t make any sense at this point.”Amsterdam added that any government in exile, according to international law, would be “independent of Mr Shinawatra” and dependent on a member of Yingluck’s cabinet who has escaped the country – a person who he declined to name.
“Under international law, we need a representative of the past government.… But Mr Shinawatra continues to be a majorly important political force in Thailand.”Analysts have long believed that Thaksin was pulling the strings behind his sister’s administration. And if such a move to Cambodia were made, it would not be the first time Thaksin had wedged himself politically between the countries.After being deposed in Thailand’s last coup in 2006 and fleeing into self-exile to avoid a corruption conviction, Thaksin was made an economic adviser to the Cambodian government and a personal adviser to Hun Sen in 2009, a move that infuriated the conservative Thai government at the time and led to both nations withdrawing their ambassadors.
While Cambodia could be an appealing choice for Thaksin’s new “government”, the former premier might be wary of losing support at home if the military tries “to ratchet up Thai and Cambodian nationalism and connect Thaksin to it”, said Dr Paul Chambers, of the Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs in Chiang Mai, which is affiliated with Chiang Mai University.“Prayuth might even use a decision by Hun Sen to allow Thaksin a base in Cambodia to take a harder approach on Thai-Cambodian border issues. All of this would be detrimental to Thai-Cambodian relations and the unity of ASEAN,” he said.“For Cambodia, Hun Sen will have to take a gamble. If Thaksin comes out on the ruling side [in the future], then hosting him makes sense. Otherwise, if Prayuth is the winner here, Hun Sen might want to be careful how he arranges and plays his political poker hand.”
Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a professor of Southeast Asian studies at Kyoto University and a prominent commentator on Thai politics – and one of dozens of academics, activists and journalists summoned by the military in recent days – said he doubted Hun Sen would take such a huge political risk.“This could resurrect old conflict between Thailand and Cambodia, and I don’t think Hun Sen would want it to happen, not when he [does not have the] upper hand in his own political battle at home,” he said in an email.Immediately after the coup, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior Sar Kheng ordered all soldiers and police stationed along the border with Thailand, in addition to provincial governors of border provinces, to continue to cooperate peacefully with their Thai counterparts.Primary border crossings have remained open in recent days.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Koy Koung said that Thai Embassy staff remained in place yesterday and he had not received notification of any changes since the coup.
He declined to comment on the prospects of Thaksin being allowed to set up a government in exile in Cambodia.Despite citing the constitution to explain why a government in exile couldn’t be set up in Cambodia, senior ruling party lawmaker Cheam Yeap appeared to say that if Hun Sen wanted to go through with it, he could.“The constitution does not allow another country to use Cambodia’s sovereignty to set up an armed force or government.… However, related to Thaksin’s announcement … I don’t know, it depends on the sentiment between Thaksin and Samdech Techo Hun Sen or leaders of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.”
A 'Reality' check for top brands
Ahead of this afternoon’s planned talks between government representatives and international fashion labels, garment workers toting riot gear and fake guns yesterday staged a re-enactment of January’s lethal crackdown on protesting workers at the start of the year.
As Cambodian pop songs blasted from a speaker, dozens of men and women acted out the violent clash, which took place on Veng Sreng Boulevard on January 2 and 3, before a crowd of hundreds at the Workers’ Information Center, a labour rights organisation in Tuol Kork.The scene was part of a politically motivated fashion show titled "Beautiful Clothes, Ugly Reality", which also featured workers strutting down a catwalk clad in factory-produced dresses, jeans and sweatshirts. The show was intended to support the stalled campaign to raise the minimum wage to $160. Today the government will meet with major brands including H&M, Gap, Levi’s and Puma, as well as IndustriALL Global Union, to discuss garment worker rights and wages in the second round of talks between the parties.
“We want to show the gap between the salary of the worker and the salary of the brand owner,” said Chan Reaksmey from the Workers’ Information Centre, which organised the fashion event.
“But we also want to talk about the crackdown that happened on the workers in January,” she added.
At least four people were killed when military police opened fire during demonstrations on January 2 and 3, and last weekend Moun Sokmean, who was injured in the unrest, also died. Twenty-three protesters accused of inciting violence during the riots are embroiled in an ongoing legal battle.
During yesterday’s performance at the Workers’ Information Centre, male garment workers wearing riot gear faced their female counterparts, who were kitted out in white headbands with $160 written on, and slowly rocked back and forth en masse. One woman fell to the ground and a young boy sat next to her, screaming.
Before the re-enactment, female garment workers took to a catwalk to model the same products they are employed to make. The clothes, bought at the local market by the Workers’ Information Centre, belonged to brands such as those meeting today.During the runway show, models held up placards describing their working conditions in English and Khmer: “Tiny unhygienic rented rooms”; “Unsafe environment”; “Forced overtime” and “No access to higher education”. Later they swapped these for placards with demands: “Drop ban on public gatherings”; “Stop short-term contracts and exploitation of workers” and “Rice not bullets”.
Lin Na, 22, who took part in the catwalk, works at Evergreen Apparel (Cambodia). She said for a basic salary of $100 per month, she works from 7am until 4pm five or six days per week, and works overtime until 7pm almost every day.
“The salary is not fair compared to the work we do,” she said, wearing a Puma sweatshirt.
“I’m wearing the brands to show the buyers that their clothes are made by us. I want them to understand the link between the clothes I make and the garment workers’ situation and our salaries.”
Saigon woman burns herself to protest China’s acts
A 67-year-old woman in Ho Chi Minh City set herself a blaze in
front of Thong Nhat Palace on Friday morning. At the scene, the police
found six handwritten banners with the contents protesting China’s
recent incursion into Vietnamese waters.
The victim is Mrs. Le Thi Tuyet Mai, a resident of Bui Dinh Tuy Street, Ward 24, Binh Thanh District.
At the scene, the police found six handwritten banners, a pair of sandals and a plastic can which was nearly completely burnt. The banners were written: "Wish for the country’s peace", "China, return the peaceful sea to our country", "Support the Coast Guard and fishermen", "Please support the people of Vietnam to defend our territorial waters"
Senior Lieutenant Colonel Nguyen Thanh Liem, deputy police chief of District 1, said a preliminary investigation had established the events leading up to the suicide protest. At around 5.30am, the woman called a cab and asked the driver to take her to Thong Nhat Palace in District 1. Upon arrival, the woman gave her glasses and cell phones to the driver and told him to give them to her son, a 45-year-old man.
According to the investigation, Mai had five children and lived with the above-mentioned son. Mai had suffered from high blood pressure and one arm was paralyzed after an accident. Recently, family members sensed that Mai was frequently sad. She often watched TV but did not have any expression or action that suggested suicidal tendencies. Before leaving her house, the woman took with her a plastic can and told her son that she was going to the pagoda that she used to visit.
One of the banners of Mrs. Mai. Photo: An Nhon
Mr.
Le Hieu Truong Hai, Vice Chair of District 1, Ho Chi Minh City, said
that the incident was discovered at 6am on Friday by two guards of the
Thong Nhat Palace. They tried to stamp out the fire and take the victim
to a Saigon hospital but she did not survive.The victim is Mrs. Le Thi Tuyet Mai, a resident of Bui Dinh Tuy Street, Ward 24, Binh Thanh District.
At the scene, the police found six handwritten banners, a pair of sandals and a plastic can which was nearly completely burnt. The banners were written: "Wish for the country’s peace", "China, return the peaceful sea to our country", "Support the Coast Guard and fishermen", "Please support the people of Vietnam to defend our territorial waters"
Senior Lieutenant Colonel Nguyen Thanh Liem, deputy police chief of District 1, said a preliminary investigation had established the events leading up to the suicide protest. At around 5.30am, the woman called a cab and asked the driver to take her to Thong Nhat Palace in District 1. Upon arrival, the woman gave her glasses and cell phones to the driver and told him to give them to her son, a 45-year-old man.
The scene.
The
driver did as he was requested. Upon receiving the items, the son asked
the driver to take him to Thong Nhat Palace, where he saw the police
was examining the scene. "Through the letters and jewelry, the son
confirmed that the woman was his mother," said Colonel Liem.According to the investigation, Mai had five children and lived with the above-mentioned son. Mai had suffered from high blood pressure and one arm was paralyzed after an accident. Recently, family members sensed that Mai was frequently sad. She often watched TV but did not have any expression or action that suggested suicidal tendencies. Before leaving her house, the woman took with her a plastic can and told her son that she was going to the pagoda that she used to visit.
If China refuses to face Vietnam at international court, then what?
What are Vietnam’s options if China refuses to be taken to international court in the East Sea dispute? In that case, Vietnam can still unilaterally file a lawsuit against China if it proves that the dispute between the two countries falls under the scope of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), and not within the exception that China has claimed.
Since May 1, China has unilaterally deployed its HD-981 rig and many vessels, including military ships, in Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and continental shelf. This action violates Vietnam’s sovereign rights and its jurisdiction over the EEZ of 200 nautical miles and continental shelf. More dangerously, China escalated tensions when its ships, under the support of aircraft, rammed vessels of the Vietnamese coast guard.While Vietnam maintains a policy of restraint and using dialogue to negotiate, China is increasingly expressing its aggression. Therefore, in addition to finding the support of the international community, Vietnam should be "self- reliant".
Facing China's aggressive acts to push tensions to a climax, Vietnam should set out a strategy for rational and sustainable value . Besides political and diplomatic moves, a solution based on the legal process may be a positive suggestion.
Through the principle of voluntary implementation of international commitments (pacta sunt servanda), international law has high practical value. Specifically, international law can help prevent conflict, resolve disputes and promote cooperation in international relations. The universality and binding power of international law has become the preferred choice of many countries in the resolution of disputes and the prevention of conflicts.As China has repeatedly delayed and has been even unwilling to resolve disputes, Vietnam may unilaterally submit the dispute to the arbitral tribunal. Specifically, Vietnam can request the establishment of an arbitral tribunal under Annex VII of the UNCLOS, in case China does not agree to bring the case to the international court of the law of the sea.Many experts have said that Vietnam should take legal actions against China. This article is about this process.
Vietnam should act based on the provisions of the dispute settlement mechanism laid out in UNCLOS Chapter XV, consisting of three sections and 21 articles (from Article 279 to Article 299).
The first step is that Vietnam has to conduct the procedures and regulations of the dispute resolution process based on the consensus of both parties from Part 1 of the UNCLOS (Article 279 to article 285). The most notable article is 283, which requires the parties to exchange views on the disputed issues in the <case that | context of whether> the disputes are in the scope of the UNCLOS, which both states had signed, to figure out the resolution through negotiation or other peaceful forms.
Based on this, Vietnam may require China to bring the East Sea dispute to the International Court of Justice. However, China will never agree, because it does not have a solid legal claim. China has violated the UNCLOS and it is unwilling to resolve the dispute through negotiations.
Therefore, Vietnam can apply part 2 of chapter XV (article 286 to article 297), on the legal procedures necessary to make binding decisions. Article 286 of Part 2 clearly states that if no agreement is reached in resolving disputes after the implementation of the provisions of Part 1, the proposal of any country will also be sent to the court specified in this section.
According to Article 287, the member states of UNCLOS, if conditions prove it necessary, can choose one of the four specific tribunals to resolve the dispute, but if the remaining country involving in the dispute does not accept the tribunal chosen by the other state or does not choose any tribunal, the dispute can still be taken to the arbitral tribunal under Annex VII (Section 5 Article 287).
The issue of concern here is the provisions in Part 3, Chapter XV, regulations on the limits and exceptions to the application of Part 2. Especially Article 298, paragraph (a) (i), which provides an exception that claimants can apply to remove the jurisdiction of the courts referred to in Article 287, particularly disputes concerning the interpretation and application of articles 15, 74 and 83 on delimitation of maritime boundaries.Specifically, after participating in UNCLOS, China claimed to separate herself from the dispute settlement mechanisms involving territorial sovereignty when it claimed to consider all types of disputes in Article 298 as exceptions, including disputes concerning the interpretation and application of articles 15, 74 and 83 on maritime boundary delimitation.
However, Vietnam still can unilaterally sue China if it can prove that the dispute between the two countries is under the scope of UNCLOS and not within the exceptions that China has claimed.
The most important task now is that Vietnam has to concentrate in perfecting the legal basis in both historical and practical factors to demonstrate its indisputable sovereignty in the East Sea. This is the important basis for Vietnam to sue Chinese in the international court, and win the support of the international community, as in the case of the Philippines.
With the positive meaning of international law, Vietnam can see this is a direct way to force China to behave more rationally. This will be a huge advantage for Vietnam in the construction of the national image and in claiming its legitimate sovereignty.The legal front will be the shield to prevent China from succeeding in its efforts. The solid legal basis will help Vietnam internationalize the East Sea disputes, something that China has always avoided. If Vietnam keeps silent, it will be disadvantaged at the negotiating table later, as China may claim that Vietnam has tacitly acknowledged China's actions to be legal.
To demonstrate the significance, effectiveness, and necessity of the UNCLOS – a "constitution of the oceans" – it is highly possible that Vietnam’s proposal will be accepted. Importantly, both Vietnam and China are UNCLOS signatories.From here, Vietnam will not only protect its legitimate sovereignty, but also can play an important role in helping ASEAN increase its coherence.
The national interests and responsibilities to the region are the foundations for Vietnam in its struggle against any infringement of its sovereignty. Therefore, Vietnam needs to urgently stop China’s soft "expansion" plot.
Thai general warns protesters after announcing royal endorsement
The general who seized control of Thailand in a coup last week said
Monday that he has received royal endorsement to run the politically
unstable country and warned of a potential crackdown on people
protesting military rule.Dressed in a white
uniform and flanked by more than a dozen other military officials, Gen.
Prayuth Chan-ocha addressed reporters in Bangkok, saying he had received
a royal command from the country's deeply revered King to head the
ruling military council.
Saying there was "no set time period" for when new elections might be
held, Prayuth outlined the steps he said his junta plans to take,
including setting up a committee to introduce reforms.But he also issued a warning to the groups of protesters who have
gathered in Bangkok in recent days to voice their opposition to the coup
and call for democratic elections.The demonstrators, who numbered in the hundreds on Sunday, have scuffled
with soldiers in the streets. So far, the military has allowed the
small-but-growing protests to take place, even though martial law
forbids gatherings of more than five people.
With more protests
expected Monday, Prayuth suggested the military wouldn't tolerate public
displays of dissent indefinitely, saying the situation was reaching a
"boiling point."
He urged people to stop
demonstrating, warning that they risk a stricter enforcement of martial
law and prosecution in military courts, and told journalists and social
media users not to transmit provocative messages.
The Thai military carried
out the coup Thursday -- tearing up the constitution and imposing a
curfew -- after months of unrest that had destabilized the elected
government and caused outbursts of deadly violence in Bangkok.
But the sudden
intervention by the armed forces -- the latest in a series of coups that
have punctuated modern Thai history -- has been criticized by human
rights activists and foreign governments, including the United States.Receiving endorsement
from King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Thailand's ailing but widely admired
monarch, adds legitimacy to Prayuth's credentials.But it appears unlikely
to change the opinions of many of the protesters who have been taking to
the streets to demonstrate against the coup. Other Thais have expressed
hope that the military will succeed in bringing an end to the crisis
that has plagued the country for months..
Politicians, academics summoned
Since taking power,
military authorities have summoned -- and in some cases detained --
scores of leading political officials and other prominent figures, such
as academics and business leaders. Travel bans have also been imposed.
Among the most
high-profile figures who've turned themselves in is former Prime
Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, who was in office when the current phase
of political turmoil began in November.
Yingluck, who was removed from office by the courts earlier this month, was released from a military facility over the weekend after she followed a summons to report to military authorities on Friday.
A military source said
Yingluck was asked to "help us maintain peace and order and not to get
involved with protesters or any political movement" and now has freedom
of movement and communication.But a close aide to
Yingluck disagreed with the assertion that she was free to move and
communicate. She is yet to make any public statement since the coup.
Thaksin's influence
The recent unrest was driven by months of protests against Yingluck's government.
The protest leaders said
they wanted to rid Thailand of the influence of Yingluck and her
wealthy brother, the exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra,
who was deposed in the country's last military coup in 2006.The Shinawatras'
powerful political movement, which has dominated elections for more than
a decade, draws its support from Thailand's populous rural regions in
the north and northeast.But it is unpopular among the Bangkok elites, who accuse it of buying votes through ill-judged, populist policies.
The protesters who
campaigned against Yingluck's government claimed Thailand needed reforms
to be imposed by an unelected council before any further elections
could take place.
With the military's
intervention, they appear to have got their wish, although some of the
protest leaders were taken into custody after the coup.Suthep Thaugsuban, the
ring leader of the anti-Yingluck protests, was released on bail of
600,000 baht ($18,000) with instructions he can't leave the country, his
organization said Monday on its Facebook page.It remains unclear how
the pro-Thaksin red shirt movement, which held mass rallies in central
Bangkok in 2010, will respond to military rule. Some of the top red
shirt leaders are also among those who were detained by military
authorities.